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Early life and legal career Long was born on August 30, 1893, in Winnfield, the seat of Winn Parish, a small town in the north-central part of the state. He was the son of Huey Pierce Long, Sr. (1852–1937) and the former Caledonia Palestine Tison (1860–1913).
Senator from In office January 25, 1932 – September 10, 1935 Preceded by Succeeded by 40th In office May 21, 1928 – January 25, 1932 Preceded by Succeeded by Chair of the In office 1922–1926 Preceded by Shelby Taylor Succeeded by Francis Williams Louisiana Railroad Commissioner / Public Service Commissioner In office 1918–1928 Preceded by Burk A. Bridges Succeeded by Personal details Born Huey Pierce Long Jr. ( 1893-08-30)August 30, 1893, United States Died September 10, 1935 ( 1935-09-10) (aged 42), United States Resting place Baton Rouge, Louisiana, United States Political party Spouse(s) ( m. 1913–35) Relations (brother) (brother) (sister-in-law) (cousin) (cousin) (cousin) Children Rose McConnell Long McFarland (1917–2006) (1918–2003) Palmer Reid Long (1921–2010) Profession, Religion Signature Huey Pierce Long Jr. (August 30, 1893 – September 10, 1935), self-nicknamed The Kingfish, was an who served as the from 1928 to 1932 and as a member of the from 1932 until his death by in 1935. A, he was an outspoken who denounced the wealthy and the banks and called for a ' program. As the political leader of the state, he commanded wide networks of supporters and was willing to take forceful action.
Huey Long of Louisiana, an early supporter of the president, had become dissatisfied with Roosevelt’s policies. Long’s Share-the-Wealth program (“every man a king”) was tempting to a depression-shocked public. Jump to Early career and rise to power - In 1915, Long began a private practice in Winnfield. He soon dedicated his life to adding 'new energy.
He established the long-term political prominence of the. Long's Share Our Wealth plan was established in 1934 under the motto ',' also the title of his. It proposed new measures in the form of a on corporations and individuals to curb the poverty and homelessness endemic nationwide during the. To stimulate the economy, Long advocated federal spending on,. He was an ardent critic of the policies of the. A supporter of in the, Long split with Roosevelt in June 1933 to plan his own presidential bid for in alliance with the influential. Long was assassinated in 1935, and his national movement soon faded, but his legacy continued in Louisiana through his wife, Senator; his son, Senator, and his brothers, and, as well as several other more distant relatives.
Under Long's leadership, hospitals and educational institutions were expanded, a system of charity hospitals was set up that provided health care for the poor, massive highway construction and free bridges brought an end to rural isolation, and free textbooks were provided for schoolchildren. He remains a controversial figure in Louisiana history, with critics and supporters debating whether or not he could have potentially become a dictator or was a. Contents. Early life and legal career Long was born on August 30, 1893, near, the of, a small town in the north-central part of Louisiana. He was the son of Huey Pierce Long, Sr.
(1852–1937) and the former Caledonia Palestine Tison (1860–1913). At the time of his youth, Winn Parish was a deeply impoverished region whose people, mostly modest Southern Baptists were known for their cantankerous stubbornness and for being outsiders in Louisiana's political system. During the Civil War, Winn Parish had been a stronghold of in an otherwise solidly Confederate state, in the 1890s a bastion of the Populist Party and in 1912 the majority in Winn Parish had voted for the Socialist Party. The degree of poverty in Winn Parish was extreme, but in general Louisiana was a very poor state noted mostly for the scale of its corruption with the 1930 census showing that one-fifth of the white men in Louisiana were illiterate with illiteracy rates far higher amongst the blacks. As someone who was born and grew up in Winn Parish, Long inherited all of the resentments of its people against the elite in Baton Rouge who ruled Louisiana. Long was the seventh of nine surviving children in a farm-owning family.
He was as a young child and later attended local schools, where he was an excellent student and was said to have a remarkable memory. In 1908, upon completing the eleventh grade, Long circulated a petition protesting the addition of a 12th-grade graduation requirement, which resulted in his expulsion.
Long won a debating scholarship to, but he was unable to afford the textbooks required for attendance. Instead, he spent the next five years as a, selling books, and, as well as working as an. In 1913, Long married. She was a who had won a baking contest which he promoted to sell ', one of the most popular of the early vegetable shortenings to come on the market. The Longs had a daughter, also named Rose, and two sons, subsequently a long-term U.S. Senator, and Palmer Reid Long (1921-2010), a Shreveport oilman. Long wrote in his autobiography, 'If the loyalty of a wife and children could have elevated anyone in public life, I had that for complete success.
When sales jobs grew scarce during, Long attended seminary classes at at the urging of his mother, a devout, but he decided he was not suited to preaching. For a time, Huey Long maintained a law office in his native on the second floor (pictured left) of the Bank of Winnfield and Trust Company.
Long briefly attended the in, and later in. In 1915 after only a year at Tulane, he convinced a board to let him take the state. He passed and began private practice in Winnfield. Later, in, he spent ten years representing small plaintiffs against large businesses, including cases. He often said proudly that he never took a case against a poor man. Long won fame by taking on the powerful Company, which he sued for unfair business practices. Over the course of his career, Long continued to challenge Standard Oil's influence in state politics and charged the company with exploiting the state's vast oil and gas resources.
Political career and rise to power In 1918, Long was elected to one of the three seats on the (renamed the in 1921) at the age of twenty-five on an anti- platform. His campaign for the Railroad Commission used techniques he would perfect later in his political career: heavy use of printed circulars and posters, an exhaustive schedule of personal campaign stops throughout rural Louisiana, and vehement attacks on his opponents. He used his position on the Commission to enhance his populist reputation as an opponent of large oil and utility companies, fighting against rate increases and pipeline monopolies. In the, he campaigned prominently for, but later became his vocal opponent after the new governor proved to be insufficiently committed to reform, later calling him the ' of the corporations. As chairman of the Public Service Commission in 1922, Long won a lawsuit against the Cumberland Telephone & Telegraph Company for unfair rate increases, resulting in cash refunds of $440,000 to 80,000 overcharged customers. Long successfully argued the case on appeal before the ( Comberland Telephone & Telegraph Co. Louisiana Public Service Commission et al., (1922), prompting Chief Justice to describe Long as one of the best legal minds he had ever encountered.
Election of 1924 Long ran for governor of Louisiana in the, attacking outgoing Governor Parker, and the established political hierarchy both locally and statewide. In that campaign, he became one of the first politicians to use radio addresses and sound trucks. Long also began wearing a distinctive white linen suit.
He came in third and although he and another candidate had privately opposed the powerful, a third candidate had openly supported it. The Klan's prominence in Louisiana was the primary issue of the campaign. Long cited rain on election day as suppressing voter turnout among his base in rural north Louisiana, where voters were unable to reach the polls on dirt roads that had turned to mud. Instead, Long was reelected later in the year to the Public Service Commission. His former law partner and political ally, a former for and parishes, succeeded Long on the PSC, with service from 1927 to 1936. Gubernatorial election of 1928.
Main article: Long was a staunch opponent of the Federal Reserve System. Together with a group of House members and senators, Long claimed that the Federal Reserve's policies were the true. Long made speeches denouncing the large banking houses of and centered in, which owned stock in the Federal Reserve. He believed that these large bankers manipulated the monetary system to their own benefit, instead of that of the general public. In March 1933, Long offered a series of bills collectively known as 'the Long plan' for the redistribution of wealth. The first bill proposed a new code designed to cap personal fortunes at $100 million. Fortunes above $1 million would be taxed at 1 percent; fortunes above $2 million would be taxed at 2 percent, and so forth, up to a 100 percent tax on fortunes greater than $100 million.
The second bill limited annual income to $1 million, and the third bill capped individual inheritances at $5 million. In February 1934, Long introduced his plan over a nationwide radio broadcast. He proposed capping personal fortunes at $50 million and repeated his call to limit annual income to $1 million and inheritances to $5 million. (He also suggested reducing the cap on personal fortunes to $10 million–$15 million per individual, if necessary, and later lowered the cap to $5 million–$8 million in printed materials.) The resulting funds would be used to guarantee every family a basic household grant or 'household estate' as Long called it of $5,000 and a minimum annual income of $2,000–3,000, or one-third of the average family homestead value and income.
Huey Long Early Life
Long supplemented his plan with proposals for free college education and vocational training for all able students, old-age pensions, veterans' benefits, federal assistance to farmers, public works projects, greater federal regulation of economic activity, a month's vacation for every worker and limiting the work week to thirty hours to boost employment. In his speech, Long used populist language depicting the U.S past as a lost paradise stolen by the rich, saying: God invited us all to come and eat and drink all we wanted. He smiled on our land and we grew crops of plenty to eat and wear. He showed us in the earth the iron and other things to make everything we wanted.
He unfolded to us the secrets of science so that our work might be easy. God called: 'Come to my feast.' Then what happened? Rockefeller, Morgan, and their crowd stepped up and took enough for 120 million people and left only enough for 5 million for all the other 125 million to eat. And so many millions must go hungry and without these good things God gave us unless we call on them to put some of it back. Long's plans for the 'Share Our Wealth' program attracted much criticism from economists at the time, stating that Long's plans for redistributing wealth would not result in every American family receiving a grant of $5,000 per year, but rather $400/per year and his plans for confiscatory taxation would cap the average annual income at about $3,000.
Denying that his program was, Long stated that his ideological inspiration for the plan came not from but from the and the. He said, 'This plan is the only defense this country's got against communism.' In 1934, Long held a public debate with, the leader of the, on the merits of Share Our Wealth versus socialism. Long is oft quoted as saying, 'When comes to America it will be called anti-Fascism,' which was often confused with the words of -born novelist and playwright, the first American to win the, who said, 'When fascism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the flag and carrying the cross.' Long believed that ending the Great Depression and staving off violent revolution required a radical restructuring of the national economy and elimination of disparities of wealth, retaining the essential features of the system. After the Senate rejected one of his wealth redistribution bills, Long told them, 'A mob is coming to hang the other ninety-five of you damn scoundrels and I'm undecided whether to stick here with you or go out and lead them.' With the Senate unwilling to support his proposals, in February 1934 Long formed a national political organization, the Share Our Wealth Society.
A network of local clubs led by national organizer Reverend, the Share Our Wealth Society was intended to operate outside of and in opposition to the Democratic Party and the Roosevelt administration. By 1935, the society had over 7.5 million members in 27,000 clubs across the country. Long's Senate office received an average of 60,000 letters a week. Some historians believe that pressure from Long and his organization contributed to Roosevelt's 'turn to the left' in 1935. He enacted the, including the, the, the, the, and the Wealth Tax Act of 1935. In private, Roosevelt candidly admitted to trying to 'steal Long's thunder.' Continued control over Louisiana (1932–1935) Long continued to maintain effective control of Louisiana while he was a senator, blurring the boundary between federal and state politics.
Though he had no constitutional authority to do so, Long continued to draft and press bills through the, which remained in the hands of his allies. He made frequent trips to to pressure the Legislature into enacting his legislation. The program included new consumer taxes, elimination of the, a homestead tax exemption, and increases in the number of state employees. While physically in Louisiana, Long customarily stayed at the in New Orleans, where he was fond of the Sazerac Bar (see ).
According to Thomas M. Mahne in the, Long had a personal interest in seeing to the quick construction of (US 61) between Baton Rouge and New Orleans as the new road cut 40 miles from the trip. Long's loyal lieutenant, Governor, dutifully enacted Long's policies. Long berated the governor in public and took over the governor's office in the State Capitol when visiting Baton Rouge. On occasion, he even entered the legislative chambers, going so far as to sit on representatives' and senators' desks and sternly lecture them on his positions.
He also retaliated against those who voted against him and used patronage and state funding (especially highways) to maneuver Louisiana toward what opponents called a Long 'dictatorship'. Having broken a second time after earlier reconciliation with the Old Regulars and Mayor Walmsley in the fall of 1933, Long inserted himself into the New Orleans mayoral election of 1934. A second rift hence developed with the city government that lasted even until after Long's assassination. In 1934, Long and, an independent oilman and member of the from, formed the controversial Win or Lose Oil Company. The firm was established to obtain leases on state-owned lands so that its directors might collect bonuses and sublease the mineral rights to the major oil companies.
Although ruled legal, these activities were done in secret, and the stockholders were unknown to the public. Long made a profit on the bonuses and the resale of those state leases and used the funds primarily for political purposes.
By 1934, Long began a reorganization of the state government that reduced the authority of local governments in anti-Long strongholds,. It further gave the governor the power to appoint all state employees. Long passed what he called 'a tax on lying' and a 2 percent tax on newspaper advertising revenue. He created the Bureau of Criminal Identification, a special force of plainclothes police answerable only to the governor. He also had the legislature enact the same tax on refined oil that in 1929 had nearly led to his impeachment, which he used as a bargaining chip to promote oil drilling in Louisiana. After agreed that 80 percent of the oil sent to its refineries would be drilled in Louisiana, Long's government refunded most of these tax revenues. 1935: Long's final year.
Huey Long – photo taken on August 27, 1935, about two weeks before his death By the summer of 1935, Long's Share Our Wealth clubs had 7.5 million members nationwide, he regularly garnered 25 million radio listeners, and he was receiving 60,000 letters a week from supporters (more than the president). In his final year, Long was preoccupied with his presidential ambitions and attempted to limit the influence of his Louisiana opponents.
After his assassination, his political machine broke up into factions, although it has remained a strong force in the state's politics into the 21st century. Presidential ambitions Even during his days as a traveling salesman, Long had confided to his wife that his planned career trajectory would begin with election to a minor state office, then governor, then senator, and ultimately. In his final months, Long followed up his earlier autobiography, with a second book titled, laying out his plans for the presidency after the.
The book was published posthumously. Long was shot a month after announcing that he would run for president.
Long biographers and William Ivy Hair speculated that Long planned to challenge Roosevelt for the Democratic nomination in 1936, knowing he would lose the nomination but gain valuable publicity in the process. Then he would break from the Democrats and form a using the plan as its basis. He also hoped to have the public support of Father, a priest and populist talk radio personality from; agrarian radical; and other dissidents like Francis Townshend and the remnants of the movement. Long said of Father Coughlin that: 'Father Coughlin has a damned good platform and I'm 100% percent for him. What he thinks is right down my alley'.
In Wisconsin, the Progressive newspaper in an editorial stated that the editors did not agree 'with every conclusion reached by Father Coughlin and Senator Long, but when they contend. That the tremendous wealth of this country should be more equitably shared for a more abundant life for the masses of the people, we agree heartily with them'. In the spring of 1935, Long undertook a national speaking tour and regular radio appearances, attracting large crowds and increasing his stature. At a rally of the Farmers Holiday Association in Des Moines, Long was introduced by Reno and asked the crowd: 'Do you believe in the redistribution of wealth?' , receiving a huge 'Yes!' As a response. After the rally, Long was heard to say that: 'I could take this state like a whirlwind'.
At a well attended Long rally in Philadelphia, a former mayor told the press 'There are 250,000 Long votes' in this city. The Roosevelt administration was worried by Long's growing popularity and on 4 March 1935, General in a radio speech denounced Long and Coughlin as this 'great Louisiana demagogue and this political padre', going on to accuse the duo of speaking 'with nothing of learning, knowledge nor experience to lead us through a labyrinth that has perplexed the minds of men since the beginning of time. These two men are raging up and down this land preaching not construction, but destruction-not reform, but revolution!' The Democratic National Committee chairman commissioned a secret poll in early 1935 'to find out if Huey's sales talks for his 'share the wealth' program were attracting many customers.
We kept a careful eye on what Huey and his political allies. Were attempting to do'. Farley's poll revealed that if Long ran on a third party ticket, he would win about 4 million votes (about 10% of the electorate). In a memo to Roosevelt, Farley wrote: 'It was easy to conceive of a situation whereby Long by polling more than 3,000,000 votes, might have the balance of power in the 1936 election. For example, the poll indicated that he would command upwards of 100,000 votes in New York State, a pivotal state in any national election and a vote of that size could easily mean the difference between victory and defeat.
That number of votes would mostly come from our side and the result might spell disaster'. In response, Roosevelt in a letter to his friend, who was serving as American ambassador in Berlin wrote: 'Long plans to be a candidate of the Hitler type for the presidency in 1936. He thinks he will have a hundred votes at the Democratic convention. Then he will set up as an independent with Southern and mid-western Progressives. Thus he hopes to defeat the Democratic Party and put in a reactionary Republican. That would bring the country to such a state by 1940 that Long thinks he would be made dictator. There are in fact some Southerners looking that way, and some Progressives drifting that way.
Thus it is an ominous situation'. Increased tensions in Louisiana By 1935, Long's most recent consolidation of personal power led to talk of armed opposition from his enemies. Opponents increasingly invoked the memory of the of 1874, in which the staged an uprising against Louisiana's Reconstruction-era government. In January 1935, an anti-Long paramilitary organization called the Square Deal Association was formed. Its members included former governors and and New Orleans Mayor T.
Semmes Walmsley. On January 25, 200 armed Square Dealers took over the courthouse of.
Long had Governor Allen call out the, declare martial law, ban public gatherings of two or more persons, and forbid the publication of criticism of state officials. The Square Dealers left the courthouse, but there was a brief armed skirmish at the Baton Rouge Airport. Tear gas and live ammunition were fired; one person was wounded but there were no fatalities. In the summer of 1935, Long called for two more special sessions of the legislature; bills were passed in rapid-fire succession without being read or discussed.
The new laws further centralized Long's control over the state by creating several new Long-appointed state agencies: a state bond and tax board holding sole authority to approve all loans to parish and municipal governments, a new state printing board which could withhold 'official printer' status from uncooperative newspapers, a new board of election supervisors which would appoint all poll watchers, and a State Board of Censors. They also stripped away the remaining lucrative powers of the to cripple the entrenched opposition. Long boasted that he had 'taken over every board and commission in New Orleans except the and the Red Cross.' Long quarreled with former State Senator of. While proceeding to Baton Rouge in August 1935 to confront the state government over a tax matter relating to his Urania Lumber Company, based in, Hardtner, known as 'the father of forestry in the South,' was killed in a car-train accident. Assassination Long was shot a month after announcing that he would run for president. On the day of the shooting, Sunday, September 8, 1935, Long was at the State Capitol attempting to oust a long-time opponent, Judge.
'House Bill Number One,' a re-redistricting plan, was Long's top priority. If it passed, Judge Pavy would be removed from the bench. At 9:20 p.m., just moments after the House passed the bill, Pavy's son-in-law, a physician from Baton Rouge, Louisiana, approached Long and, according to the generally accepted version of events, fired a handgun at him from four feet away, shooting him in the torso. Long's bodyguards returned fire, killing Weiss instantly.
Long was rushed to the hospital, but he died two days later, on Tuesday, September 10, 1935, at 4:10 a.m. Long was 42 years old; his last words were, 'God, don't let me die. I have so much to do.'
Some historians do not accept the speculation that Long actually died after accidentally being struck by a bullet fired by one of his own bodyguards as they fired at Carl Weiss., a founding faculty member of the, was among those called upon to treat Long for his wounds. In 1983, after nearly a half-century, Hull published his memoirs, This I Remember: An Informal History of the Louisiana State University Medical Center in New Orleans. Unlike LSU historian, who suggested Long might have survived with better medical care, Hull said that Long could not have survived the shooting. He denied that Long had died from medical or surgical incompetence. Hull also criticized his own conduct; though he had called for an autopsy, Hull had not been persistent enough and allowed himself to be overruled.
Funeral Long's body was dressed in a tuxedo and his open double (made of bronze with a copper inner liner covered with a glass lid) was placed in the State Capitol rotunda. An estimated 200,000 people flooded Baton Rouge to witness the event.
Tens of thousands of Louisianans crowded in front of the Capitol on September 12, 1935, for the 4 p.m. Funeral handled by Merle Welsh of Rabenhorst Funeral Home. Welsh was later a member of the Louisiana State Board of Education. Welsh remembered that flowers came from all over the world and extended from the House of Representatives to the Senate chamber.
Airline Highway between New Orleans and Baton Rouge was jammed bumper-to-bumper. The minister at the funeral service was, co-founder of and subsequently of the, and the founder of the 'Christ of the Ozarks' passion play in, Arkansas. Newsreel cameras clicked while airplanes circled overhead to record the service for posterity. Long was buried on the grounds of the new, which he championed as governor, where a statue at his grave-site now depicts his achievements. Within the Capitol, a plaque still marks the site of the assassination in the hallway near what is now the Speaker's office and what was then the Governor's office. Also, a bronze statue of Long is located in.
Legacy Long pioneered important innovations in campaign technique that were adopted nationally, including sound trucks and radio commercials. But his most enduring contributions were to the state of Louisiana rather than to the nation. In search for the basis of Long's very strong support, concluded that Long: Kept faith with his people and they with him. He gave them something and the corporations paid for it. He is not to be dismissed as a mere rabble-rouser or as the leader of a gang of boodlers. He brought to his career a streak of genius, yet in his programs and tactics he was as indigenous to Louisiana as pine trees and petroleum. Key adds that the Long organization used: Patronage, in all its forms, deprivation of perquisites, economic pressure, political coercion in one form or another, and now and then outright thuggery.
Long commanded the intense loyalties of a substantial proportion of the population. Supporters came to believe that here was a man with a genuine concern for their welfare, not one of the gentlemanly do-nothing governors who had ruled the state for many decades.
While his dictatorial means and motives violated American norms, Long had a genuine concern for the common people of Louisiana. 'Doc' Reaux (1921–2009), a native who worked his way through the School of Veterinary Medicine in, recalls as a small boy, too poor to have shoes, his attendance at a Long campaign rally with his father. Huey Long saw the boy with his feet scorching on the hot pavement and said, 'Get that boy a pair of shoes.' Hence, Reaux often told how his first shoes were a gift from Long.
In 1947, Reaux became the senior partner of the Reaux Animal Hospital, at which he remained until his retirement in 1977. Long liked to help people in distress.
Huey P Long History
Once while headed to Shreveport, Long stopped a woman and her two children who were from Alexandria to,. Without introducing himself, he took the woman and her children to the train depot and bought them tickets and placed a $10 bill in the mother's hands. 'Who was that man', the woman asked the ticket agent.
'Why, didn't you know? That was the governor of Louisiana, Huey P. Long', the agent replied. During Long's years in power, great strides were made in infrastructure, education and health care. Long was notable among southern politicians for avoiding race baiting. He sought to improve the lot of poor blacks as well as poor whites.
Infrastructure Long created a public works program for Louisiana that was unprecedented in the South, with a plethora of roads, bridges, hospitals, schools and state buildings that have endured into the 21st century. During his four years as governor, Long increased paved highways in Louisiana from 331 to 2,301 miles (533 to 3,703 km), plus an additional 2,816 miles (4,532 km) of gravel roads. By 1936, the infrastructure program begun by Long had completed some 9,700 miles (15,600 km) of new roads, doubling the size of the state's road system.
He built 111 bridges and started construction on the first bridge over the entirely in Louisiana, the in, near New Orleans. He built a new and the new, at the time the tallest building in the South. All of these projects provided thousands of much-needed jobs during the, including 22,000—or 10 percent—of the nation's highway workers. Education Long's free textbooks, school-building program, and school busing improved and expanded the public education system.
His night schools taught 100,000 adults to read. He expanded funding for LSU, tripled enrollment, lowered tuition, and established scholarships for low-income students. He sometimes befriended persons in need. In 1932 a young, later political cartoonist with the, wrote to Long after hearing him speak in Dean's native to explain that Dean's college funds had been lost in a bank closing. Long helped Dean procure financial aid to attend LSU, from which he graduated in 1937.
Health care Long founded the LSU School of Medicine in New Orleans. He also doubled funding for the public Charity Hospital System, built a new Charity Hospital building for New Orleans, and reformed and increased funding for the state's mental institutions.
Long's statewide public health programs dramatically reduced the death rate in Louisiana and provided free immunizations to nearly 70 percent of the population. He also reformed the prison system by providing medical and dental care for inmates. His administration funded the piping of to New Orleans and other cities. It built the seven-mile (11 km) and New Orleans airport. For the people Long slashed personal property taxes and reduced utility rates. His repeal of the poll tax in 1935 increased voter registration by 76 percent in one year.
Long's popular eliminated personal property taxes for the majority of citizens by exempting properties valued at less than $2,000. His 'Debt Moratorium Act' prevented foreclosures by giving people extra time to pay creditors and reclaim property without being forced to pay back-taxes.
His personal intervention and strict regulation of the Louisiana banking system prevented bank closures and kept the system solvent—while 4,800 banks nationwide collapsed, only seven failed in Louisiana. Politics Within the dominant Louisiana Democratic party, Long set in motion two durable factions—'pro-Long' and 'anti-Long'—which diverged meaningfully in terms of policies and voter support. A family dynasty emerged: his brother was elected lieutenant-governor in 1936, governor in 1948 and 1956.
Typically anti-Longite candidates would promise to continue popular social services delivered in Long's administration and criticized Longite corruption without directly attacking Long himself. Long's son, was a U.S. Senator from 1948 to 1987. As chairman of the, Russell Long shaped the nation's tax laws. He was an advocate of low business taxes, but also passed the and other tax legislation beneficial to the poor and working people.
The Long established was weakened by his death, but it remained a powerful force in state politics until the. Pockets of it persisted into the 21st century. The Long platform of social programs and populist rhetoric created the state's main political division.
In every state election until 1960, the main factions were organized along pro-Long and anti-Long lines. For several decades after his death, Long's personal political style inspired imitation among Louisiana politicians who borrowed his colorful speaking style, vicious verbal attacks on opponents, and promises of social programs. His brother later inherited Long's political machine. Using his platform and rhetorical style, Earl Long became governor in 1939 following the resignation of and was elected to subsequent terms in 1948 and 1956. After Earl Long's death, and appeared as heirs to the Long tradition. Most recently, ran a populist campaign in the that some observers compared to Huey Long's.
Tried the same approach without success in the 2007, although was elected governor in 2015 espousing many of the same populist positions as Long, McKeithen and Edwin Edwards. Long's death did not end the political strength of the Long family. His widow, was appointed to replace him in the Senate, and his son was elected to the Senate in 1948, and served until his retirement in 1987. In addition to Long's brother becoming governor, brother Julius Long was a Winn Parish District Attorney and brother was elected to Congress in 1952. Long's younger sister, Lucille Long Hunt (1898–1985) of, was the mother of future Public Service Commissioner (1928–2001), of. Other more distant relatives, including and represented Louisiana in the U.S.
Congress, while of served for 32 years in the Louisiana House. As of 2010, Jimmy Long's younger brother holds the distinction of being the only current Long in public office and the first among the Long Democratic dynasty. Twelve members of the Long family have held elected office.
In a press conference during which reporters were trying to analyse his political personality, Huey Long stated: 'say that I am, and let it go at that. ' Memory Two bridges crossing the have been named 'Huey P. Long Bridge':. There are also two bridges named in honor of both Long and his successor and supporter, O.K. Allen: the Long-Allen Bridge over the Atchafalaya River between Morgan City and Berwick, and the Long-Allen Bridge/Texas Street Bridge over the between Downtown Shreveport and Bossier City.
There is also a Huey P. Long Hospital in across the Red River from. Long's first autobiography, Every Man a King, was published in 1933 and priced to be affordable by poor Americans. Long laid out his plan to redistribute the nation's wealth. His second book, was published posthumously.
Huey P Long Biography
In it he describes his presidential ambitions for 1936. In 1993, Long, along with his brother Earl, was inducted into the in Winnfield. In the same ceremony, his son Russell, then still living, was also among the 13 original inductees. American literature Leading novelists have explored the regime Long created. Believed him to be the inspiration for Buzz Windrip in 's, calling the work 'the most chilling and uncanny treatment of Huey by a writer'. Lewis, a liberal who in 1930 had won the Nobel Prize in literature, portrayed a genuine American dictator on the Hitler model. The lead character of It Can't Happen Here is a populist, big business-bashing senator Buzz Windrip who wins the 1936 election by promising every American family $5,000 per year.
Starting in 1936 the, a New Deal agency, performed the theatre version across the country. Poster for the WPA stage adaptation of It Can't Happen Here, October 27, 1936 Written with the goal of hurting Long's chances in the 1936 election, Lewis's novel outfits President Berzelius Windrip with a private militia, concentration camps, and a chief of staff who sounds like Nazi propagandist. Lewis also outfits Windrip with a racist ideology completely alien to Long and a conservatism he also never embraced. Ultimately, Windrip is a venal and cynical showman who plays to the conformist resentments Lewis diagnosed in Main Street. Perry (2004) argues that the key weakness of the novel is not that he decks out American politicians with sinister European touches, but that he finally conceives of fascism and totalitarianism in terms of traditional American political models rather than seeing them as introducing a new kind of society and a new kind of regime. Windrip is less a Nazi than a con-man and manipulator who knows how to appeal to people's desperation, but neither he nor his followers are in the grip of the kind of world-transforming ideology like Hitler's.
Wrote two novels looking at Long, Cinnamon Seed (1934) and Sun in Capricorn (1942). Perry (2004) says Basso was a slashingly witty critic of the moonlight and magnolia romanticism of the Old South that dominated the Southern mind before 1920. Like many proponents of a New South, he wanted modernizers to take over.
Cinnamon Seed 's Harry Brand incorporates more details from the historical Long than any other fictional portrayal does, and much of the novel is so lightly fictionalized that only a single letter separates the names of characters and places from their real-life counterparts. Brand is a representative of the grasping and vulgar k.